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Introduction
Europe at the service of peace and democracy
Community Europe is celebrating its 50th anniversary.
On 9 May 1950, Robert Schuman made history by putting to the Federal Republic of Germany, and to the other European countries who so wished, the idea of creating a Community of pacific interests. In so doing he extended a hand to yesterday's enemies and erased the bitterness of war and the burden of the past. In addition, he set in train a completely new process in international relations by proposing to old nations to together recover, by exercising jointly their sovereignty, the influence which each of them was incapable of exercising alone.
The construction of Europe has since then moved forward every day. It represents the most significant undertaking of the 20th century and a new hope at the dawn of the new century. It derives its momentum from the far-sighted and ambitious project of the founding fathers who emerged from the second world war driven by the resolve to establish between the peoples of Europe the conditions for a lasting peace. This momentum is regenerated unceasingly, spurred on by the challenges which our countries have to face up to in a world of deep-seated and relentless change.
Could anyone have foreseen this immense desire for democracy and peace which ultimately brought down the Berlin Wall, put the responsibility for their destinies back into the hands of the people of central and eastern Europe and today, with the prospect before long of further enlargement to seal the unity of the continent, gives a new dimension to the ideal of European construction?
A historic success
As we approach the dawn of the third millennium, a look back over the 50 years of progress towards European integration shows that the European Union is a historic success. Countries which were hitherto enemies, and in most cases, ravaged by the most horrific atrocities this continent has ever known, today share a common currency, the euro, and manage their economic and commercial interests within the framework of joint institutions.
Europeans now settle their differences through peaceful means, applying the rule of law and seeking conciliation. The spirit of superiority and discrimination has been banished from relationships between the Member States, which have entrusted to the four Community institutions, the Council, the Parliament, Commission and the Court of Justice, the responsibility for mediating their conflicts, for defining the general interest of Europeans and for pursuing common policies.
People's standard of living has improved considerably, much more than would have been possible if each national economy had not been able to benefit from the economies of scale and the gains of growth stemming from the common market and intensification of trade.
People are free to move and students to work within a frontier-free internal area. The foundations of common foreign and defence policies have been laid, and moves are already afoot to take common policies of solidarity further in the social, regional and environmental fields, as well as in the fields of research and transport.
Economic integration every day highlights the need for and takes us closer to political union. At international level, the European Union is wielding increasing influence commensurate with its economic importance, the standard of living of its citizens, its place in diplomatic, commercial and monetary forums.
The European Community derives its strength from common values of democracy and human rights, which rally its peoples, and it has preserved the diversity of cultures and languages and the traditions which make it what it is.Its transatlantic solidarity and the attractiveness of its model has enabled a united Europe to withstand the pressure of totalitarianism and to consolidate the rule of law.
The European Community stands as a beacon for the expectations of countries near and far which watch the Union's progress with interest as they seek to consolidate their re-emerging democracies or rebuild a ruined economy.
Today, the Union of the 15 Member States is negotiating the next wave of membership with 10 countries of central and eastern Europe, and with Malta and Cyprus. At a later stage, other countries of former Yugoslavia or which belong to the European sphere will in turn ask to join. The taking on board by the applicant countries of the acquis communautaire, and more generally of the major objectives of the European Union, is central to enlargement negotiations. For the first time in its long history, the continent is preparing to become reunified in peace and freedom.
Such developments are momentous in terms of world balance and will have a huge impact on Europe's relations with the United States, Russia, Asia and Latin America. Even now Europe is no longer merely a power which has retained its place in the world. It is a reference point and a hope for peoples attached to peace and the respect of human rights.
What explains such a great success? Is it lastingly etched in the continent's history, sufficiently rooted in the collective memory and resolve for the seeds of any intra-European war to have been eradicated?
The tragic events of the past and the conflicts which still today undermine the Balkans and are spreading bloodshed throughout the Caucasus should prompt Europeans not to sit back and take lasting peace for granted.
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Greece
Portugal
Spain
Italy
France
Luxembourg
Ireland
United Kingdom
Belgium
Netherlands
Germany
Denmark
Austria
Sweden
Finland |
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Cyprus
Malta
Turkey
Bulgaria
Romania
Slovenia
Hungary
Slovakia
Czech Republic
Poland
Lithuania
Latvia
Estonia |
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EU Member States (*)
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Applicant countries with which accession negotiations are open |
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Other candidate countries
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* Non continental and overseas territories not shown.
The challenges of the future
After a half century of Community history, Europeans still have a lot of soul-searching to do: what are the elementary values to which they are attached, and what are the best ways of safeguarding them? How far could and should union be taken in order to maximise the strength which derives from unity, without at the same time eroding identity and destroying the individual ethos which makes the richness of our nations, regions and cultures? Can we move forward in step, thanks to the natural harmony which favours consensus between 15 countries, or should we recognise divergences of approach and differentiate our pace of integration? What are the limits of Community Europe, at a time when so many nations, starting with the new democracies of central and eastern Europe and the Balkans, along with Turkey, are asking to join the process of unification in progress? How can we get everyone involved in the Community undertaking and give them the feeling of a European identity which complements and goes beyond fundamental solidarity? How can we get every European citizen closer to the institutions of the Union, and give everyone a chance to embrace the project of a unified Europe which was long the preserve of the deliberations of diplomats and the expertise of civil servants?
All these are questions of principle which it is impossible to avoid if we are not to enter blind alleys; fundamental questions the answers to which will themselves determine the myriad specific and technical matters addressed daily by those who have the task of taking this Community undertaking forward.
For the people of Europe, the question is simple. Either they continue to become organised, assembling their strengths to make themselves heard throughout the world, promote the ideal of democracy and defend their economic and strategic interests. Then Europe will continue to represent more than the 'tip of Eurasia' which Paul Valéry spoke about. It will be a factor of balance and moderation in the relations between hyperindustrialised powers and countries whose development is lagging behind. Or else the people of Europe will not fully appreciate the actual extent of the values they share and will consequently fail to act in defence of their common interests. In which case, the economies of each country will be reduced to sub-contracting roles and consumers' standard of living will decline. Europe, a mere geographical entity, will be placed in the sphere of influence of powers external to it and which will impose upon it the price of its dependence and its need for a protective umbrella.
The topicality of the Community method
A new institutional process was put in train by the decision taken on 11 December 1999 by the European Council meeting in Helsinki to convene an intergovernmental conference with the aim inter alia of adapting the treaties to the conditions whereby a Union enlarged to over 20 members can function smoothly.
Our 50-year-old Europe is a hive of activity. Hopes are running at the same level as the ambitions and challenges involved, but the risks of failure are still very much there.
Europe merely as a free trade area or Europe as a world-level player? A technocratic Europe or a democratic Europe? An 'every man for himself' Europe or a caring Europe?
Faced with so many critical choices, so many uncertainties, the Community method which stems from the dialogue established between the Member States and the common institutions exercising together delegated sovereignty is as topical as ever. This is what made it possible, 50 years ago, to set up the European Coal and Steel Community, subsequently followed by the European Economic Community and Euratom, bolstered by the European Single Act, and the Treaties of Maastricht and Amsterdam. A 'catalyst of change' has been incorporated into inter-European relations and this every day generates new effects. Tomorrow, this method may make the best contribution possible to solving the major problems facing Europeans.
The founding principles of the European edifice are not simply a matter of institutional mechanics. The Community spirit was invented and carried forward by statesmen who wanted first and foremost to construct a Europe at the service of people and makes the European idea a project for civilisation. The Schuman declaration remains very much 'a new idea for Europe'.
Pascal Fontaine, Professor at the Institute of Political Studies, Paris, was born in 1948. A docteur d'État in political sciences, he was Jean Monnet's last assistant and worked with him from 1973 to 1977. He was chef de cabinet of the President of the European Parliament from 1984 to 1987.
This text is signed by its author and does not necessarily reflect the views of the European Commission.
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